The Environment | John Barrdear

Archive for the 'The Environment' Category

Carbon tariffs

Well, well.  It would appear that Nicolas Sarkozy is threatening China with “carbon tariffs.”  It comes as no surprise that:

His idea already has supporters in the European Commission, particularly among officials charged with defending the interests of European industry.

In other words, the criticism of China is not really based on a perceived risk to the global environment, but that by acting first and China not following, the EU feels that European industry suffers unfairly.  It’s difficult to see how this would be legal under WTO rules.

The stated justification for the threatened action was:

“We cannot have one response from Europe and one from Asia, one from the north and one from the south,” he said. “China can and must play its full part.”

“I will defend the principle of a carbon compensation mechanism at the EU’s borders with regard to countries that don’t put in place rules for reducing greenhouse gas emissions,” Mr Sarkozy said.

This might be morally defensible if (and I really have to stress that ‘if’) the EU were to hand the Chinese government every cent they took in tariffs from Chinese exporters, thus allowing Europe to claim that they really were acting on behalf of the planet and not just their domestic industry.

However, we still have the very large problem of sovereignty.  Why should the EU get to dictate policy to China and to impose it arbitrarily if China doesn’t comply?  Even if China were to agree that (a) climate change is real and (b) humankind can and ought to do something about it, it does not follow that China and the EU would agree on an acceptable cost to impose on polluters, not least because China is still a developing country.

The point is that for every tonne of CO2-equivalent emitted in the EU, Europe gets more goods for consumption, but for every tonne emitted in China, we get more goods for consumption and another couple of people lifted out of poverty.

This message was driven home Tuesday by an article in a Communist party newspaper that said 95 per cent of carbon dioxide emissions from the era of the Industrial Revolution through the 1950s came from today’s developed countries.  Rich nations’ per capita emissions of greenhouse gases are also far above those in the developing world, the overseas edition of the People’s Daily newspaper said.

Now, if the world can agree on some sort of framework for reducing greenhouse gas emissions that also includes some restrictions on China and India, it seems sensible enough to me to allow carbon tariffs as punitive action against non-compliant states, but that’s pretty much the only way I’d support it.

I suppose that you might argue that if one country refused to ratify some treaty and other countries judged that by failing to do so, that country was placing other countries in peril, then taking action against them - in this case, imposing carbon tariffs - might be justified under “self defence.”  It’d be a tough sell, since the danger would not be imminent, but you might try it.  The problem then would be that if the stand-alone country were one of the UN security council’s permanent members, they could veto any attempt at multilateral action.

Pigovian taxes or rolling-auction-cap-and-trade?

Update:  I’ve received some criticisms of this proposal elsewhere and I hope to do up a version 2.0 in the near future.

For the purposes of this post, I shall assume that climate change is real, is undesirable and, if not wholly anthropogenic in its causes, is still able to be mitigated by a decrease in emissions of greenhouse gases. The question is how best to achieve that goal. Generally speaking, there are two broad approaches to the problem: emission trading (cap-and-trade) or taxation.

The largest cap-and-trade scheme in the world is the European Union Emission Trading Scheme (EU ETS). You can read more about it at Defra or Wikipedia. Benefits of the EU scheme are:

  • It offers a “market-based” solution while still allowing control over total emission levels, which is arguably necessary to combat climate change because, in this respect, the earth is a closed system.
  • It rewards innovative companies that reduce their emissions (by allowing them to sell their excess permits).

However, it suffers from several problems:

  • The allocation breakdown between countries is negotiated politically rather than on the basis of need or economic efficiency.
  • The allocation breakdown within countries is decided by the government, which makes it susceptible to political vagaries.
  • Incumbent firms do not incur a cost for the bulk of their emissions, but only for those in excess of their allotment.
  • Because allotments are decided for several years at a time, the system raises a barrier to entry in the affected industries and so stifles innovation. This is because new entrants (who don’t receive any allotment) will have to pay for all of their permits in full. Worse still, they have to buy them from the incumbents!
  • In the lead-up to allocations being made, it is optimal for both firms and governments to exaggerate - or worse, actually increase - their emission levels in an attempt to capture a higher share of the total permits and thus extract rents from others.
  • It would be extremely cumbersome and invasive to spread the idea of emission permits down to the level of the individual consumer for pollution that is created by acts of consumption (e.g. burning gasoline by driving your car) rather than acts of production (e.g. burning coal to produce electricity).
  • The government’s sole incentive to enforce the system is environmental altruism, which may at times take a back seat to political expediency.

As an alternative, various people advocate Pigovian taxes on greenhouse gas emissions (particularly Greg Mankiw and his Pigou Club, which boasts some pretty big names). I first want to acknowledge some of the key benefits that taxes offer in this regard:

  • The infrastructure for taxation and tax auditing is already well established.
  • Taxation can readily be applied to all sources of pollution, both in production and consumption.
  • The revenue can be used to offset taxes that are distortionary.
  • The government would have two incentives for enforcing the system - environmental altruism and protection of a revenue stream - making it more likely to be done thoroughly.

Next, the downsides to using taxes to reduce greenhouse gas emissions:

  • As a general rule, the government is in no position to decide which industries are best able to innovate to reduce their emissions, but this is exactly what the government would in effect be doing when it decided tax rates on a product-by-product basis. Tax rates of X% on gasoline, Y% on aviation fuel and Z% on coal-fired electricity production include an implicit government bias in which industries ought to change.
  • Because the price elasticities are not known, it is impossible to know the optimal level(s) of taxation.
  • Even if the optimal tax level were known, all taxes are subject to political compromise, not just when introduced but on an on-going basis in much the same way that the allocation of permits is under the EU system.

If forced to choose between them, I would personally favour Pigovian taxes over an EU-style cap-and-trade system.

But before Professor Mankiw adds me to his club, I want to stress that if given true freedom to choose, I wouldn’t go with either of them. I would choose what I (rather cumbersomely) call a rolling-auction-cap-and-trade system. Here’s how I imagine it working:

  1. An independent government agency would perform the following roles:
    1. Decide on the total number of permits to be allocated to the economy as a whole.
    2. Auction permits on a rolling basis (say, monthly) on the open market.
    3. Declare the market average amount of greenhouse gases emitted by products used in acts of consumption.
    4. Enforcement, with random audits and the ability to impose (effectively) infinite penalties.
  2. Permits would be freely tradable between private agents.
  3. Any firm that pollutes in the act of production must possess permits for the greenhouse gases that it emits.
  4. Any firm that that produces a product which will cause pollution in the act of consumption (e.g. gasoline) must possess permits for the market average amount of greenhouse gases that will be emitted.
  5. Full reporting of points 3 and 4 would be required under Generally Accepted Accounting Practices (GAAP) and must be certified by an independent auditor.

So far as I can tell, this system essentially offers all the benefits of both the EU ETS and Pigovian taxes without any of the downsides of either. It effectively places a cap-and-trade system on the entire economy (consumption and production) without forcing a burden on individual consumers to purchase and keep track of their permits. It minimises government interference and with it, the chance that the system might be picked apart by well meaning but short sighted politicians in the years to come. It offers up revenue which helps encourage the government to maintain the system and allows them to offset distortionary taxes. It does not create incentives for agents to exaggerate or alter their behaviour to “game” the system. It does not try to second-guess the market in terms of where innovation might most easily occur, nor does it impose any barriers to entry or innovation. Innovative firms benefit two-fold, by lowering their costs and - by passing at least some of those savings on to their customers - increasing their market share.

I’d welcome any comments or criticism.

p.s. I have previously wondered whether the revenue raised ought to go to the Central Bank (rather than the government) so that they could then reissue the revenue raised into the money supply. I believed back then and at least suspect now (the intuition is the same, but I’m more cautious now) that this would be the ultimate sterilised environmental policy. The money supply would remain unchanged and since the money would never go near the government, there would be no change to the government’s macroeconomic position or impact on the economy. Without attempting a model to “prove” it, I think the general equilibrium result would be a redistribution from firms and individuals that were above-average polluters to those that were below-average polluters, with the market deciding who and how much at both ends of the transfer.

Carbon taxes vs. Carbon credits

I don’t know for sure, but I think that I disagree with an explicit carbon tax. Why should the government be any good at deciding which industries have the best chance of improving their energy efficiency (which they are doing when they set the tax rate on a product-by-product basis)?

I suspect it would be better to go for carbon-credit trading system. Have a (declining) aggregate quota of completely tradable carbon credits, issuing them by open-market auctions on a rolling basis throughout the year. To be economically neutral (that is, non-distortionary), the issuer of carbon credits would need to government-independent (although operating within boundaries set by the government) and either work closely with the central bank or be a new branch of the central bank itself.

This last point would be necessary because if the proceeds from auctioning the credits were not going to be treated as government revenue (and in order to avoid being distortionary, that would need to be the case), any money paid for the credits would need to be recycled back into the economy by the central bank. This would ultimately have the equivalent effect of raising interest rates on carbon-intensive parts of the economy and lowering interest rates for the carbon-free sections while keeping the aggregate rate (and thus, in theory, the overall effect on GDP) unchanged.

In practice, I suspect that we would see some increased volatility in market interest rates and inflation pressures, with both settling down over a few years.

I could be entirely wrong on all this, though. It’s just the result of 20 minutes of thought. I’d welcome any corrections.